I think it generally a big mistake to jettison allies and horses. We need a thundering herd. Defending the M and W class includes defending fundamental rights of many kinds: voting, search and seizure, detention without charge, suppression of speech and oversight, and more including reproductive rights and sexual freedom.

But at this time, fight for rights and success of the middle and working class and you win. That includes all the rights above and include making opportunities for them and evening up the wealth and income disparity.

They are not

I think it generally a big mistake to jettison allies and horses.

Neo-liberals are not our allies. The only thing that trickles down is what they piss on us. We have all the evidence we need after 40 plus years of trickle down economics.

It's such a flexible definition and slung around a lot, so it's hard to know.

Privatize everything (healthcare, education, etc) and very important - no taxes for the rich. Put simply government by and for the wealthy.

What makes the separation hard is the Supreme Court’s support re for profit elections

You will have a serious problem winning elections if you reject people who agree with you on 80% of the issues.

appeal to some bigots?

but I guess you'd rather lose than compromise.

than appeal to fucking bigots

...that's what should be done, but...

...during the primaries and the general I wanted to hear how we were going to do Medicare for All, increase Social Security benefits, add dental, vision and hearing to Medicare, make SS COLA real and all I heard was trump this, trump that...

...it was ubiquitous, self-serving and diversionary...the fact is our leadership doesn't really want to talk seriously about bread and butter issues if it steps on corporate toes...and it always does...

...good luck...

Great Post

Will Democrats Learn from the Establishment’s Loss?

The David Hogg affair, Zohran Mamdani’s win, and the future of the Democratic coalition.

David Austin Walsh
DemocratsElectionsU.S.
June 26, 2025

The Democratic Party is in crisis, and it goes far beyond the stereotypical “Dems in Disarray” headlines. The party’s popularity numbers are abysmal: a March poll by NBC News found that only 27 percent of registered voters have positive views of the Democrats, the lowest since the poll began in 1990. Other polls have found that the approval rating of congressional Democrats is underwater among Democratic voters, with only around a third expressing satisfaction with the Democrats’ performance on Capitol Hill. (Nearly 80 percent of Republicans, by contrast, approve of the congressional GOP.) Even big donors are beginning to tighten their purse-strings.

A good illustration of the depths of the crisis: on Saturday, June 14, an estimated 5 million people around the country participated in the anti-Trump “No Kings” protests. It was one of the largest protests in American history, mobilizing between 1 and 2 percent of the entire U.S. population in the streets. There is clearly a groundswell of anti-MAGA political energy across the country, and yet the most recent Quinnipiac University poll found that 53 percent of Democrats disapprove of how the Democratic Party is doing in Congress. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer’s approval rating, in particular, is hovering around 17 percent—and given Schumer’s vocal support for Israel’s strikes on Iran, that number is likely only to plummet more.

snip*
Part of the problem for Democrats is that there is little consensus about what exactly the party stands for in concrete policy terms beyond unconditional support for Israel, some attention to climate change, and vaguely defined commitments to racial, gender, and sexuality equity (never mind the establishment’s backing of Cuomo after his resignation following sexual harassment allegations). Liberal pundits Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson have attempted to lay out a more affirmative agenda—“abundance”—in their recent book of the same title. Any positive vision for the Democratic Party should certainly include the expansion of the state’s capacity to do things, but—as Sandeep Vaheesan argued in these pages last month—Klein and Thompson’s thinking remains structured in many ways by neoliberalism, and anyway much of the actually existing political muscle for the “abundance agenda” is astroturfed from wealthy Silicon Valley donors.
https://www.bostonreview.net/articles/will-democrats-learn-from-the-establishments-loss/